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Rioting & Looting: Hypocrisy & Ignorance

Rioting and looting damage society and harm people. The recent protests on behalf of fighting  institutional racism wreak with unlawful violence and hypocrisy. Of course there are plenty of peaceful protesters who have caused no physical harm to property or other individuals. These are not at issue. Rather, the focus should be on the 15 people who lost their lives from the initial George Floyd protests, the countless businesses suffering stark physical damage to their properties (and despite ignorant assertions to the contrary, never fully covered by insurance), and the many families who had their livelihoods ripped to shreds because of looting. 

The violence that tore through Minneapolis and other cities in recent months is simply never justifiable.  The argument made by NPR’s interviewee, Vicky Osterweil, who takes on the Marxist theory that damage to property is neither violent nor unlawful is clearly nonsense. We live in the United States of America, where property and the endangerment of the security of our citizens are imbedded into every page of our Constitution. In fact the Fifth and Fourteenth Amendments delineate this protection of property rights explicitly. Violence to another person’s property is unlawful.

Not only has the recent rioting and looting been unlawful but it has been hypocritical to the highest degree. One mob even attempted to assault Rand Paul and his wife in the name of “social justice.” Disgusting hypocrisy as Rand Paul is the very one who introduced the “Justice for Breonna Taylor Act.” Multiple Americans who died in the Minneapolis riots were minorities. The very Americans – including many of those in racial minorities – whom the violent protestors claim to be protecting were harmed by sky-high property recovery payments and most likely will be faced with spiked insurance premiums in the future. The emotional, physical, and economic freedoms that the rioters and looters claim as their banner are precisely what they themselves are destroying. 

If you want to go out and use your freedom of speech in a peaceful way, be my guest– it is your absolute right. If you intend on gathering together a mob full of hatred and hypocrisy, be ready for the consequences. We all ought to be raising our voices against the violent protestors as much as we are trying to solve the civil rights problems of our day. Shame on those who are hypocritically or ignorantly harming the well-being of our own American people. 

Another Problem With Public Pensions

There’s another issue with regard to the crushing liabilities of public sector pensions. Several states, such as California and New York, have a constitutional amendment that grants pension entitlement to public sector workers. In other words, once a person is working for the government and they have a defined benefit plan, they are entitled to keep it and transfer it, even if the contract runs out. 

This kind of constitutional amendment says it’s a constitutional requirement to pay employees for their pensions. Now, what it should mean legally is that any pension any employee is earned, it is a constitutional obligation. But that’s not the problem. It has been redefined by the leftest political structure and judiciary to mean something else, which from an economic literacy point of view, that something is incompetent. They have defined it to pay the pension not only for what they’ve earned but also include an obligation to continue that level of funding into new contracts, even those that aren’t signed on yet. So even if a contract is over, it’s not really over. And their employer can’t renegotiate it.

In contrast, in private industries, if an employer terminates a defined benefit plan by a negotiation with a person or whatever, they can’t reduce what they already promised, but there’s an amount that is calculable and then that’s it. Whatever you’ve earned in a contract is specific to that contract. When the contract is over, you have to negotiate a new contract. The terms can be the same. The terms can be different. You may suddenly get offered a contract with no medical benefits when you once had medical benefits. By and large, contracts tend to be the same but there is no obligation to have anything in a new contract that existed in a prior contract. 

But in the government world in some places, you have to give the person the same pension benefits in a new contract. Therefore, that is a whole additional cost factored into what an employee earns. The fact that he is required to be given that benefit in the future is an additional cost that is never factored into the equation. As a result, we have enormous forced sums of liabilities that add to the unreported sheets. Yet the municipalities say they are entitled to keep that same level of funding, which is economically illogical and illiterate. The crux of the problem is that the amendment is interpreted in a way that interferes with the ability for two parties to contract by giving one party extra benefits. This is both unjust and financially negligent. 

Federal Judge Rules Administration Overreach in Obamacare Funding


Now this is pretty interesting. Last week, a federal district judge ruled in favor of the House of Representatives against the Obama Administration with regarding to Obamacare payments and Congressional appropriations. Specifically, the ruling allow for House to continue their lawsuit which claims that the Executive Branch (via Health and Human Services and the Treasury Department) has overstepped its authority by overspending on Obamacare beyond what was appropriated to them by Congress.

Rollcall has a great overview of what is at stake, how difficult the question it, how it affects the Constitution, and what it says about the Separation of Powers. You should take a few minutes and read it in full, as this type of lawsuit is fairly rare.

The House can pursue some constitutional claims in a lawsuit against the Obama administration over appropriations and implementing the health care overhaul law, a federal district judge ruled Wednesday.
The ruling means Congress has cleared a high procedural hurdle in the separation of powers case, one that usually stops the judiciary from stepping into fights between lawmakers and the executive branch.
The House has legal standing to pursue allegations that the secretaries of Health and Human Services and Treasury are spending $175 billion over the next 10 fiscal years that was not appropriated by Congress, Judge Rosemary M. Collyer of the U.S. District Court in Washington, D.C., wrote in the 43-page ruling.

The House lawsuit asks the court to declare the president acted unconstitutionally in making payments to insurance companies under Section 1402 of the health care overhaul law (PL 111-148, PL 111-152) and to stop the payments.

House Speaker John A. Boehner said the court’s ruling showed that the administration’s “historic overreach can be challenged by the coequal branch of government with the sole power to create or change the law. The House will continue our effort to ensure the separation of powers in our democratic system remains clear, as the Framers intended.”

Wednesday’s ruling does not address the merits of the claims. Collyer acknowledged that the court was taking a rare step, but doing so carefully into a high-profile dispute, so that it wouldn’t give the House standing to file other similar lawsuits.

“Despite its potential political ramifications, this suit remains a plain dispute over a constitutional command, of which the judiciary has long been the ultimate interpreter,” Collyer wrote. “The court is also assured that this decision will open no floodgates, as it is inherently limited by the extraordinary facts of which it was born.”

The dispute focuses on two sections of the health care overhaul law. The administration felt it could make Section 1402 Offset Program payments from the same account as Section 1401 Refundable Tax Credit Program payments. House Republicans say the health care law doesn’t permit that.

The Obama administration, during the fiscal 2014 appropriations process, initially asked Congress for a separate line item for 1402 payments. Congress did not include money for such a line item. During oral arguments in the case in May, Collyer questioned government lawyers about why the administration could ignore Congress and then argue that the House couldn’t sue them.

The administration argued that the House has other options, such as political remedies or passing other legislation, they said.

Jonathan Turley, the attorney for the House, said in a statement that the ruling means that the House “now will be heard on an issue that drives to the very heart of our constitutional system: the control of the legislative branch over the ‘power of the purse.’ We are eager to present the House’s merits arguments to the Court and remain confident that our position will ultimately prevail in establishing the unconstitutional conduct alleged in this lawsuit.”

Turley said the administration had argued that Congress couldn’t seek judicial enforcement of its constitutional status. “The position would have sharply curtailed both the legislative and judicial branches. The Court has now answered that question with a resounding rejection of this extreme position,” he said.

The case at the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia is U.S. House of Representatives v. Burwell, No. 14-cv-1967.

Solving the Question of Birthright Citizenship

The recently revived debate about birthright citizenship is both ridiculous and baffling. The language of the Constitution is quite clear: “All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the United States and of the State wherein they reside.” Commonly known as the “Citizenship Clause”, it is the first sentence of Section 1 of the 14th Amendment, passed in 1868.

This understanding of the 14th Amendment was codified four years later in 1871 in the case, Wong Kim Ark which granted citizenship “to at least some children born of foreigners because they were born on American soil (a concept known as jus soli)”. It is also worth noting that at the time of the Amendment, there was no such thing as illegal immigration, so the legal status of the parents was not an issue; the first law restricting immigration came in 1875.

The Constitution is clear, and there is no way to change it. There should be, and probably is in some way, a law against the budding practice known as “birth tourism”, which allows for a woman to come travel to this country — on a tourist visa — for the sole purpose of having a baby on American soil so that the child can be granted U.S. citizenship. Coming into the country with the intent to subvert the Constitution could be made a crime if it is not already so. For instance, the child will still be granted citizenship, but the parents become criminals — and can never come back to this country.

For those whose parents are here for some time, even if the parents are illegal, the law is clear: their birth in this country confers U.S. citizenship. But if you come here intentionally to subvert the law, the consequences should be so severe, that it makes people think twice about doing it. That should cut down on the amount of rogue circumstances for which people try to gain citizenship with no intent to reside in this country, while simultaneously protecting the 14th Amendment.

Congressional Standing to Sue the President


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Lately there have been recent discussion about whether or not Congress can sue the President. We have had several occurrences, in fact, where the President has violated the Constitution by overreaching his authority with regard to Congress. In these instances, Congress should have the standing to sue the President.

When Congress has acted in its authority as the Legislative branch, that institution as a whole has been compromised when the President, acting as the Executive branch, has ignored the actions of Congress and acted unilaterally in a manner other than that which was decided by Congress.

For instance, Congress voted for Obamacare. It contained some 2000 pages of laws, rules, and regulations. And yet dozens of times since the implementation of the law (March 2010), parts of the law been ignored, delayed, or changed by the President or some of his agencies — directly contrary to the actions of Congress crafting and passing a law.

In an even more obtuse example, Obama passed the Dream Act on his own. Though the president wanted it, Congress did its institutional job and it did not pass. Instead of letting the matter end there, as proscribed by the Constitution, the president implemented it anyway.

The crux here lies in understanding the will of the people. Indeed, Thomas Jefferson aptly remarked that, “The will of the people is the only legitimate foundation of any government, and to protect its free expression should be our first object.”

Remember, Congress (composed of elected representatives) is the Legislative Branch. Under the Constitution, the Executive Branch has no direct power to pass legislation. That power lies solely with Congress. Therefore, if Congress does not create and pass a particular law, it is because the people don’t will it. That is the free expression of their Constitutional power.

When the President says, “I have to act because Congress does not”, he violates the will of the people with a gross overreach of Executive authority.

Part of the current problem lies in the fact that Obama’s actions are allowed to stand because no one fights it. If this continues without a challenge, then future successors in the Executive branch can — and will — point to Obama and say “Obama did it, so now we can too”.

So let’s get this clarified once and for all that the constitutionality of some of Obama’s actions are not correct. When Obama has acted directly contrary to a decision made by the institution of Congress — creating a law after Congress has declined to do so, or changing a law passed by Congress — he threatens the institution of the Legislative Branch itself and the will of the people as a whole. We have the will of the people through Congress, not the majority of the people’s opinion as defined by the latest poll question.

The three branches of government, and their checks and balances, must be meticulously maintained. A lawsuit on behalf of the institution of Congress to the President regarding powers specifically granted and not granted (including the lawmaking powers), is a necessary safeguard for our Constitutional Republic.