by | ARTICLES, ECONOMY, HYPOCRISY, POLITICS, TAXES
What is so special about April 29, 2009?
It’s the last time Congress passed a budget. 1000 days later, we are operating without any plan. Oh, the delicious irony that it is today… I can’t wait to hear about it during the State of the Union tonight, right? Just like last year’s State of the Union; the budget Obama tried to pass shortly thereafter, modeled on the ideas espoused during his speech, failed 97-0. It was so outrageous, not one Senator of either party would put his name to it.
I’ve read some recent articles about the last 1000 days. Human Events had some worthwhile observations:
Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) said it would be “foolish” to have a budget.
“There’s no need to have a Democratic budget in my opinion,” Reid said in a May interview with the Los Angeles Times. “It would be foolish for us to do a budget at this stage.”
The breakdown in the Senate came after Sen. Kent Conrad (D-ND), chairman of the Budget Committee, failed to get a consensus among panel Democrats last year on any plan that was proposed to the caucus.
Meanwhile, U.S. Rep Sandy Adams penned a short piece about Congressional budget activity, (or lack thereof)
The previous Democrat-led Congress had ample time to do so. With President Obama in theWhite House, Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid and former Speaker Nancy Pelosi had the power to implement any budget they chose. Unfortunately, they punted on their responsibilities, choosing to pass legislation creating a national energy tax and an unpopular health-care law instead.
And finally, the Heritage Foundation put forth their list of facts about our nation’s budget and America’s money:
- The last time the Senate passed a budget was on April 29, 2009.
- Since that date, the federal government has spent $9.4 trillion, adding $4.1 trillion in debt.
- As of January 20, the outstanding public debt stands at $15,240,174,635,409.
- Interest payments on the debt are now more than $200 billion per year.
- President Obama proposed a FY2012 budget last year, and the Senate voted it down 97–0. (And that budget was no prize—according to the Congressional Budget Office, that proposal never had an annual deficit of less than $748 billion, would double the national debt in 10 years and would see annual interest payments approach $1 trillion per year.)
- The Senate rejected House Budget Committee Chairman Paul Ryan’s (R–WI) budget by 57–40 in May 2011, with no Democrats voting for it.
- In FY2011, Washington spent $3.6 trillion. Compare that to the last time the budget was balanced in 2001, when Washington spent $1.8 trillion ($2.1 trillion when you adjust for inflation).
- Entitlement spending will more than double by 2050. That includes spending on Medicare, Medicaid and the Obamacare subsidy program, and Social Security. Total spending on federal health care programs will triple.
- By 2050, the national debt is set to hit 344 percent of Gross Domestic Product.
- Taxes paid per household have risen dramatically, hitting $18,400 in 2010 (compared with $11,295 in 1965). If the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts expire and more middle-class Americans are required to pay the alternative minimum tax (AMT), taxes will reach unprecedented levels.
- Federal spending per household is skyrocketing. Since 1965, spending per household has grown by nearly 162 percent, from $11,431 in 1965 to $29,401 in 2010. From 2010 to 2021, it is projected to rise to $35,773, a 22 percent increase.
So there you have it. We stopped having a budget with a Democrat in the White House, a Democrat-controlled Senate, and with a Democrat-controlled House of Representatives. 1000 days ago. So how come they aren’t talking about it?
Update: The Hill is reporting that some Republicans will be sporting “1000 days” buttons to mark the 1000 days of ineptitude
by | POLITICS, TAXES
While Congress debated the merits of the two-month extension of the payroll tax holiday, no one mentioned the devasting economic impact this legislation will have on our small and large businesses, nor the tens of millions of dollars wasted by the Senate to come up with this hiccup.
Our Senate did a disengenous job at compromise merely to enable them to go home on vacation. There is absolutely no consideration of the havoc being wreaked on our economy and our businesses due to the instability that comes with not knowing what the tax rate will be in the long run. A one year extension is bad enough – does anyone seriously think that businesses will hire or that individuals will spend just because of another even a one year 2% reduction? But extending for only two months is far worse.
Even now, these companies with payroll will have to make changes and adjustments. They have been waiting with uncertainty as to how to proceed in the coming year – and we are mere days away from 2012. Forms cannot be printed, and when they are printed, around-the-clock overtime will result. The same is true with respect to accounting software. And how can a business institute any new changes to the tax schedule in a proper and timely matter? It’s ludicrous, not only regarding the nightmare of compliance and calculation, but also the inefficiency from all the extra man hours spent.
As a lifelong CPA, I can assure you that such a short-lived extension in the middle of tax season creates the absolute certainty that mistakes will be made– lots of them. Mistakes mean IRS penalties. The financial and wasted cost from our government sending out notices, following up, making corrections, and dealing with taxpayers fighting the penalties is a gross misuse of time and resources, all because Congress is incompetent and short-sighted. And then Congress and the IRS will spend more time writing regulations explaining the extent to which these penalties are to be abated.
More money will be spent than saved, with higher costs endured by our businesses; this extension is a sham.
by | ECONOMY, POLITICS, TAXES
The Alternative Minimum Tax (“AMT”) presents hardships to the practitioner as well as the taxpayer who prepares his own return by, as its name implies, imposing a second tax calculation mechanism on taxpayers. It serves virtually no useful purpose, other than the raising of an ever-increasing amount of tax revenue. But it has become very clear in recent years that this AMT tax revenue is not coming from just the taxpayers who were the intended targets of this tax.
The AMT was instituted in its present form when the prior “add on” Minimum Tax was transformed into the AMT in the early 1980’s. Its stated purpose was to require that all taxpayers paid at least a fair share of tax. It was to do this by identifying “loophole” type deductions, also known as “preferences”. There would then be an alternative calculation using lower tax rates applied against this taxable income as increased by the preferences. Whichever of the taxes is higher is the one the taxpayer must pay.
However the AMT was seriously flawed from the outset. Instead of focusing on these loophole type preferences (which would have limited the tax to a very small number of tax law “abusers”), the law that was passed included items that were not loopholes at all. A convoluted formula compares the differences between income and deductions to determine who falls under the guidelines.
A very substantial majority of all AMT paid by taxpayers results from the following four factors:
- Treating state and local taxes as a preference
- Treating miscellaneous deductions as a preference
- Not modifying the rate to correspond to changes in the regular income tax rates.
- Allowing lower exemptions than the regular tax.
Each of these, however, can be quickly shown as inappropriate factors with which to base a tax system intended to just make sure everyone pays a “fair share” of tax.
- State and local taxes are hardly a loophole. The taxes exacted by state and local governments are hardly “voluntarily” paid by taxpayers in an attempt to avoid paying federal taxes.
- Miscellaneous deductions is the category of deductions that consists primarily of expenses incurred to earn income that is subject to tax. It includes unreimbursed employee expenses, investment expenses, etc. This is the most basic and important deduction needed to have a truly fair income tax system. For example, if an individual pays a lawyer a fee for collecting back wages, the legal fee is a miscellaneous deduction. If an individual pays the lawyer $300 for collecting $1000 of back pay, netting $700, the AMT would tax the individual on the full $1000.
- The AMT rate is generally 28%. This was its rate when regular tax rates were 39.6%. Regular tax rates have dropped to 35% currently, but the AMT rate remains at 28%.
- The exemption available under the AMT tax system is a fixed dollar amount which, unlike exemptions and standard deductions under the regular tax system, is not indexed for inflation. Furthermore, it is phased out entirely over certain income levels. And each year Congress has to approve an annual “patch”, which raises the threshold for inflation, in order to raise the exemption limits of the tax so that less wealthy taxpayers won’t be subject to the AMT.
It must be noted that the annual AMT patch is not a tax cut at all, but merely the avoidance of a massive tax increase on millions of middle-income taxpayers’ families. Congress likes to point to the patch as some major revenue loss, had the AMT been applied to those families, as an excuse to raise to raise taxes in order to offset this “potential missing tax revenue”.
The AMT in its present form has no place in tax law. The AMT does not serve the purpose for which it was intended and functions in a most inequitable manner while adding enormous compliance burdens. It should therefore be changed to eliminate the adjustments for state and local taxes and miscellaneous deductions, update its rates, and modify its exemption, or else be eliminated completely.
by | ARTICLES, ECONOMY, POLITICS
This past week, the Washington Post provided a sliver of clarity when
Glen Kessler, “The Fact Checker” , exposed Obama’s dubious tax cut claims. While he should be commended for issuing four pinocchios for Obama’s untruths, he completely missed the biggest lie of them all. What Obama (and Mr. Kessler) call tax cuts are not. As a lifelong CPA, I can assure you that tax cuts are a specific term, meaning cuts to the marginal tax rate. The package that Obama passed after he took office contained virtually none of those.
When the government gives out money, it is spending. Tax credits are government expenditures run through the tax system; your income collected is then given back to people on their taxes who meet a criteria. Simply having the IRS write the check (instead of a department such as Health and Human Services), allows the government to classify it a cut instead of spending. The “Making Work Pay Credit” cited in Kessler’s piece is a perfect example of what is not a tax cut – this is a government handout. Others include Cash for Clunkers , Energy Credits, and First Time Home Buyer Credits. Instead of doing the honorable thing and using the Treasury to send the money to each eligible taxpayer, the administration instead ran the disbursements through the IRS so they could claim a “tax cut”. This same type of deceit put Enron executives behind bars. Clearly there was nothing resembling a marginal rate tax cut that would be valuable to the economy .
This new jobs bill (that we haven’t seen yet) contains more of the same
tax cuts deceptive language,
fuzzy math, and worthless programs. Mr. Kessler’s assessment of Obama’s nonsense was a welcome contribution to economic debate, but the confusing rhetoric weakened his argument. The biggest whopper — Obama’s claim of tax cuts that aren’t– deserved a fifth Pinocchio.
by | ARTICLES, ECONOMY, POLITICS, TAXES
The S&P has downgraded our rating to AA+. Here is their press release, reprinted below in its entirety.
TORONTO (Standard & Poor’s) Aug. 5, 2011–Standard & Poor’s Ratings Services said today that it lowered its long-term sovereign credit rating on the United States of America to ‘AA+’ from ‘AAA’. Standard & Poor’s also said that the outlook on the long-term rating is negative. At the same time, Standard & Poor’s affirmed its ‘A-1+’ short-term rating on the U.S. In addition, Standard & Poor’s removed both ratings from CreditWatch, where they were placed on July 14, 2011, with negative implications.
The transfer and convertibility (T&C) assessment of the U.S.–our assessment of the likelihood of official interference in the ability of U.S.-based public- and private-sector issuers to secure foreign exchange for debt service–remains ‘AAA’.
We lowered our long-term rating on the U.S. because we believe that the prolonged controversy over raising the statutory debt ceiling and the related fiscal policy debate indicate that further near-term progress containing the growth in public spending, especially on entitlements, or on reaching an agreement on raising revenues is less likely than we previously assumed and will remain a contentious and fitful process. We also believe that the fiscal consolidation plan that Congress and the Administration agreed to this week falls short of the amount that we believe is necessary to stabilize the general government debt burden by the middle of the decade.
Our lowering of the rating was prompted by our view on the rising public debt burden and our perception of greater policymaking uncertainty, consistent with our criteria (see “Sovereign Government Rating Methodology and Assumptions,” June 30, 2011, especially Paragraphs 36-41). Nevertheless, we view the U.S. federal government’s other economic, external, and monetary credit attributes, which form the basis for the sovereign rating, as broadly unchanged.
We have taken the ratings off CreditWatch because the Aug. 2 passage of the Budget Control Act Amendment of 2011 has removed any perceived immediate threat of payment default posed by delays to raising the government’s debt ceiling. In addition, we believe that the act provides sufficient clarity to allow us to evaluate the likely course of U.S. fiscal policy for the next few years.
The political brinksmanship of recent months highlights what we see as America’s governance and policymaking becoming less stable, less effective, and less predictable than what we previously believed. The statutory debt ceiling and the threat of default have become political bargaining chips in the debate over fiscal policy. Despite this year’s wide-ranging debate, in our view, the differences between political parties have proven to be extraordinarily difficult to bridge, and, as we see it, the resulting agreement fell well short of the comprehensive fiscal consolidation program that some proponents had envisaged until quite recently. Republicans and Democrats have only been able to agree to relatively modest savings on discretionary spending while delegating to the Select Committee decisions on more comprehensive measures. It appears that for now, new revenues have dropped down on the menu of policy options. In addition, the plan envisions only minor policy changes on Medicare and little change in other entitlements, the containment of which we and most other independent observers regard as key to long-term fiscal sustainability.
Our opinion is that elected officials remain wary of tackling the structural issues required to effectively address the rising U.S. public debt burden in a manner consistent with a ‘AAA’ rating and with ‘AAA’ rated sovereign peers (see Sovereign Government Rating Methodology and Assumptions,” June 30, 2011, especially Paragraphs 36-41). In our view, the difficulty in framing a consensus on fiscal policy weakens the government’s ability to manage public finances and diverts attention from the debate over how to achieve more balanced and dynamic economic growth in an era of fiscal stringency and private-sector deleveraging (ibid). A new political consensus might (or might not) emerge after the 2012 elections, but we believe that by then, the government debt burden will likely be higher, the needed medium-term fiscal adjustment potentially greater, and the inflection point on the U.S. population’s demographics and other age-related spending drivers closer at hand (see “Global Aging 2011: In The U.S., Going Gray Will Likely Cost Even More Green, Now,” June 21, 2011).
Standard & Poor’s takes no position on the mix of spending and revenue measures that Congress and the Administration might conclude is appropriate for putting the U.S.’s finances on a sustainable footing.
The act calls for as much as $2.4 trillion of reductions in expenditure growth over the 10 years through 2021. These cuts will be implemented in two steps: the $917 billion agreed to initially, followed by an additional $1.5 trillion that the newly formed Congressional Joint Select Committee on Deficit Reduction is supposed to recommend by November 2011. The act contains no measures to raise taxes or otherwise enhance revenues, though the committee could recommend them.
The act further provides that if Congress does not enact the committee’s recommendations, cuts of $1.2 trillion will be implemented over the same time period. The reductions would mainly affect outlays for civilian discretionary spending, defense, and Medicare. We understand that this fall-back mechanism is designed to encourage Congress to embrace a more balanced mix of expenditure savings, as the committee might recommend.
We note that in a letter to Congress on Aug. 1, 2011, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) estimated total budgetary savings under the act to be at least $2.1 trillion over the next 10 years relative to its baseline assumptions. In updating our own fiscal projections, with certain modifications outlined below, we have relied on the CBO’s latest “Alternate Fiscal Scenario” of June 2011, updated to include the CBO assumptions contained in its Aug. 1 letter to Congress. In general, the CBO’s “Alternate Fiscal Scenario” assumes a continuation of recent Congressional action overriding existing law.
We view the act’s measures as a step toward fiscal consolidation. However, this is within the framework of a legislative mechanism that leaves open the details of what is finally agreed to until the end of 2011, and Congress and the Administration could modify any agreement in the future. Even assuming that at least $2.1 trillion of the spending reductions the act envisages are implemented, we maintain our view that the U.S. net general government debt burden (all levels of government combined, excluding liquid financial assets) will likely continue to grow. Under our revised base case fiscal scenario–which we consider to be consistent with a ‘AA+’ long-term rating and a negative outlook–we now project that net general government debt would rise from an estimated 74% of GDP by the end of 2011 to 79% in 2015 and 85% by 2021. Even the projected 2015 ratio of sovereign indebtedness is high in relation to those of peer credits and, as noted, would continue to rise under the act’s revised policy settings.
Compared with previous projections, our revised base case scenario now assumes that the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts, due to expire by the end of 2012, remain in place. We have changed our assumption on this because the majority of Republicans in Congress continue to resist any measure that would raise revenues, a position we believe Congress reinforced by passing the act. Key macroeconomic assumptions in the base case scenario include trend real GDP growth of 3% and consumer price inflation near 2% annually over the decade.
Our revised upside scenario–which, other things being equal, we view as consistent with the outlook on the ‘AA+’ long-term rating being revised to stable–retains these same macroeconomic assumptions. In addition, it incorporates $950 billion of new revenues on the assumption that the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts for high earners lapse from 2013 onwards, as the Administration is advocating. In this scenario, we project that the net general government debt would rise from an estimated 74% of GDP by the end of 2011 to 77% in 2015 and to 78% by 2021.
Our revised downside scenario–which, other things being equal, we view as being consistent with a possible further downgrade to a ‘AA’ long-term rating–features less-favorable macroeconomic assumptions, as outlined below and also assumes that the second round of spending cuts (at least $1.2 trillion) that the act calls for does not occur. This scenario also assumes somewhat higher nominal interest rates for U.S. Treasuries. We still believe that the role of the U.S. dollar as the key reserve currency confers a government funding advantage, one that could change only slowly over time, and that Fed policy might lean toward continued loose monetary policy at a time of fiscal tightening. Nonetheless, it is possible that interest rates could rise if investors re-price relative risks. As a result, our alternate scenario factors in a 50 basis point (bp)-75 bp rise in 10-year bond yields relative to the base and upside cases from 2013 onwards. In this scenario, we project the net public debt burden would rise from 74% of GDP in 2011 to 90% in 2015 and to 101% by 2021.
Our revised scenarios also take into account the significant negative revisions to historical GDP data that the Bureau of Economic Analysis announced on July 29. From our perspective, the effect of these revisions underscores two related points when evaluating the likely debt trajectory of the U.S. government. First, the revisions show that the recent recession was deeper than previously assumed, so the GDP this year is lower than previously thought in both nominal and real terms. Consequently, the debt burden is slightly higher. Second, the revised data highlight the sub-par path of the current economic recovery when compared with rebounds following previous post-war recessions. We believe the sluggish pace of the current economic recovery could be consistent with the experiences of countries that have had financial crises in which the slow process of debt deleveraging in the private sector leads to a persistent drag on demand. As a result, our downside case scenario assumes relatively modest real trend GDP growth of 2.5% and inflation of near 1.5% annually going forward.
When comparing the U.S. to sovereigns with ‘AAA’ long-term ratings that we view as relevant peers–Canada, France, Germany, and the U.K.–we also observe, based on our base case scenarios for each, that the trajectory of the U.S.’s net public debt is diverging from the others. Including the U.S., we estimate that these five sovereigns will have net general government debt to GDP ratios this year ranging from 34% (Canada) to 80% (the U.K.), with the U.S. debt burden at 74%. By 2015, we project that their net public debt to GDP ratios will range between 30% (lowest, Canada) and 83% (highest, France), with the U.S. debt burden at 79%. However, in contrast with the U.S., we project that the net public debt burdens of these other sovereigns will begin to decline, either before or by 2015.
Standard & Poor’s transfer T&C assessment of the U.S. remains ‘AAA’. Our T&C assessment reflects our view of the likelihood of the sovereign restricting other public and private issuers’ access to foreign exchange needed to meet debt service. Although in our view the credit standing of the U.S. government has deteriorated modestly, we see little indication that official interference of this kind is entering onto the policy agenda of either Congress or the Administration. Consequently, we continue to view this risk as being highly remote.
The outlook on the long-term rating is negative. As our downside alternate fiscal scenario illustrates, a higher public debt trajectory than we currently assume could lead us to lower the long-term rating again. On the other hand, as our upside scenario highlights, if the recommendations of the Congressional Joint Select Committee on Deficit Reduction–independently or coupled with other initiatives, such as the lapsing of the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts for high earners–lead to fiscal consolidation measures beyond the minimum mandated, and we believe they are likely to slow the deterioration of the government’s debt dynamics, the long-term rating could stabilize at ‘AA+’.
On Monday, we will issue separate releases concerning affected ratings in the funds, government-related entities, financial institutions, insurance, public finance, and structured finance sectors.
by | ARTICLES, ECONOMY, OBAMACARE, POLITICS, TAXES
The WSJ had a fantastic piece today, reminding us of the new taxes yet to come, signed into law under Obama. And he wants MORE tax increases as part of this deficit negotiation?
Go read the full synopsis right now. Some of the additional taxes are listed below
• Starting in 2013, the bill adds an additional 0.9% to the 2.9% Medicare tax for singles who earn more than $200,000 and couples making more than $250,000.
• For first time, the bill also applies Medicare’s 2.9% payroll tax rate to investment income, including dividends, interest income and capital gains. Added to the 0.9% payroll surcharge, that means a 3.8-percentage point tax hike on “the rich.” Oh, and these new taxes aren’t indexed for inflation, so many middle-class families will soon be considered rich and pay the surcharge as their incomes rise past $250,000 due to tax-bracket creep. Remember how the Alternative Minimum Tax was supposed to apply only to a handful of millionaires?
Taxpayer cost over 10 years: $210 billion.
• Also starting in 2013 is a 2.3% excise tax on medical device manufacturers and importers. That’s estimated to raise $20 billion.
• Already underway this year is the new annual fee on “branded” drug makers and importers, which will raise $27 billion.
• Another $15.2 billion will come from raising the floor on allowable medical deductions to 10% of adjusted gross income from 7.5%.
• Starting in 2018, the bill imposes a whopping 40% “excise tax” on high-cost health insurance plans. Though it only applies to two years in the 2010-2019 window of ObamaCare’s original budget score, this tax would still raise $32 billion—and much more in future years.
• And don’t forget a new annual fee on health insurance providers starting in 2014 and estimated to raise $60 billion. This tax, like many others on this list, will be passed along to consumers in higher health-care costs.
by | BUSINESS, ECONOMY, OBAMACARE, POLITICS, TAXES
The current assertion that we are in a recession because the wealthy companies haven’t put money back into the system is just plain wrong. But even our president is peddling this idea. Last month, Obama chided businesses to hire more workers. Specifically, he said “it is time for companies to step up. American taxpayers contributed to that process of stabilizing the economy. Companies have benefited from that, and they’re making a lot of money, and now’s the time for them to start betting on American workers and American products.”
The problem with such a statement is the fact that although some companies are profitable, it doesn’t mean that they can afford to increase their hiring. Yelling at businesses to do so only makes him look like a petulant child.
The reality is that Obama’s unfriendly business policies have substantially contributed to the present uncertainty in the business world regarding long-term planning. The economy works on a set of facts; the existing tax rates have been in place since 2003 and there have not been higher rates since then. Making large changes, such as tax increases– as has announced he plans to do — will most certainly affect the economy, because there will be even less capital for companies to maintain and grow their enterprises.
In addition to tax rates, increased regulation and new regulation due to Obamacare are all causes for concern to businesses. Entities such as the EPA, SEC, NLRB and Dodd-Frank all have their hand in the pot. With pressure to keep up and comply with government’s nanny state, business owners are hesitant to invest. Unless changes are made to allow companies more freedom, they will hold on to their money. Other decisions, such as not pushing a Free Trade Agreement, and an enormous increase in spending since FY2008 all feed the hesitation and money pinch that the businesses feel.
Without true business-friendly reform, entrepreneurs will look elsewhere — namely abroad — to fund their ventures where businesses are welcomed, appreciated, and cultivated.
by | OBAMACARE, POLITICS
During the health care debates last year, there had been much talk and support on the Left for the concept of a “public option” in the bill. The rationale behind this, according to the federal government, was that there is not a sufficient free market for health insurance in some parts of our country.
Accordingly, they deemed it their job to get consumers the best coverage at the best price, by offering a competing a public option, seemingly on par with private insurers.
I believe the promulgation of the public option was deceitful. There was never going to be an equal footing, as the Government would severely limit the range of allowable insurance and then use its financial and political muscle to gain customers, as acknowleged by Senator Chuck Schume, among others. Nevertheless, it had so much support that it was included in most of the drafts of the health care bill.
Reflecting on the merits of the public option argument as we debate how to reign in our excessive government spending, my question is this: if this “public option” was viewed as a necessity in terms of competition and cost, why should there not be a “private option” in every area that the Government – federal, state, local – has staked out an unnecessary monopoly for itself?
Other than National Defense and the Criminal Court Systems, there appears to be no reason – other than creation of a power base to enable the bloated government salaries that we see today – that the private sector should not be given an opportunity to compete on a level playing field.
Based on the government’s rationale, there should be a “private option” in virtually every area of public service.
by | ECONOMY, NEW YORK, OBAMACARE, POLITICS
Having dinner with Scott Rasmussen a couple weeks ago, we got onto the subject of Social Security. He remarked that people have different ideas about Social Security reform. Some people suggest raising taxes or the retirement age, other people want to go with privatization, still others propose reducing the benefits. Interestingly, Scott had a entirely different idea that is simple but brilliant.
Here’s the scope: Allow each Social Security recipient the latitude to pick how he wants his money accrued and allotted. For instance, if you want to retire at 70, then you can. If you want to retire at 65, so be it. If you want to increase benefits, you can tweak your contributions as such. With each person controlling the time frame and/or amount to be collected and reserved, this solution alleviates that one-solution-fits-all approach to reform that undoubtedly helps some and hurt others.
I think Scot’s idea has great potential.
by | NEW YORK, POLITICS
Some years ago, Congresswoman Carolyn Maloney of New York came to me about a “saving for college credit” she wanted to sponsor to have implemented into the Internal Revenue Code. The concept was that if people put money into government bonds, and then used the bonds for college, they’d never have to pay interest or taxes on that money. I informed her that several years before, that provision had already been put into the code and was part of our current tax law. She then asked if I could help her think of a benefit that was a little different, so that she could call it her own.
I was reminded of this episode recently when the GAO report documenting the massive duplication of government programs was released. Although the report was helpful in uncovering billions of wasted taxpayer dollars, it made me think — why isn’t anyone talking about the failure of Congress implementing these programs in the first place? It has to be one of two scenarios: either a) due to their incompetence — they didn’t realize it was duplicative at the time, or b) they knew it was wasteful but didn’t care as long as they gained political advantage.
The GAO report is not only a staggering denunciation of how our Congress really conducts business, but it also raises some difficult yet necessary questions: why is there is virtually no discussion about what Congress is going to do to ensure this kind of abuse of taxpayer money is not repeated? How are we going to now make sure that future legislation doesn’t result in a duplicative or redundant program?
But even more important– the GAO report should be viewed not only as a mechanism to reduce the budget going forward, but also as a major indictment of our legislators’ past actions. We should look at the repetitive programs, find out who sponsored them and pushed them through, and hold them accountable for all the billions of dollars wasted upon the backs of the taxpayers throughout the years. Only when those who have been responsible for the problems actually take responsibility for their actions can reform truly occur.